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September 17, 2025
Parents and teachers often ask: Does ADHD medication actually improve grades and school performance? The answer is: yes, but with important limitations. Medications are very effective at reducing inattention, hyperactivity, and impulsivity but their impact on long-term academic outcomes like grades and test scores is not as consistent.
In the Classroom
The medications for ADHD consistently: Improve attention, reduce classroom disruptions, increase time spent on-task and help children complete more schoolwork and homework. Medication can help children with ADHD access learning by improving the conditions for paying attention and persisting with work.
Does Medication Improve Test Scores and Grades?
This is where the picture gets more complicated. Medications have stronger effect on how much work is completed but a weaker effect on accuracy. Many studies show that children on medication attempt more problems in reading, math, and spelling, but the number of correct answers doesn’t always improve as much. Some studies find small but significant improvements in national exam scores and higher education entrance tests during periods when children with ADHD are medicated.
Grades improve, as well, but modestly. Large registry studies in Sweden show that students who consistently take medication earn higher grades than those who don’t. However, these gains usually do not close the achievement gap with peers who do not have ADHD.
Keep in mind that small improvements for a group as a whole mean that some children are benefiting greatly from medication and others not at all. We have no way of predicting which children will improve and which do not.
Medication Alone Isn’t Enough
Academic success depends on more than just reducing inattention, hyperactivity and impulsivity. Skills like organization, planning, studying, and managing long-term projects are also critical. Medication cannot teach these skills.
So, in addition to medication, the patient's treatment program should include educational support (tutoring, structured study skills programs), behavioral interventions (parent training, classroom management strategies), and accommodations at school (extra time, reduced distractions, organizational aids) Parents should discuss with their prescriber which of these methods would be appropriate.
Conclusions
ADHD medication is a powerful tool for reducing symptoms and supporting learning. It improves test scores and grades for some children, especially when taken consistently. But it is not a magic bullet for academic success. The best results come when medication is combined with educational and behavioral supports that help children build the skills they need to thrive in school and beyond.
Cortese, S., et al. (2018). Comparative efficacy and tolerability of medications for ADHD in children, adolescents, and adults: a systematic review and network meta-analysis. The Lancet Psychiatry, 5(9), 727–738.
Jangmo, A., et al. (2019). Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder, School Performance, and Medication: A Swedish 9-Year Follow-Up Study. Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 58(4), 423–432.
Kortekaas-Rijlaarsdam, A. F., et al. (2019). Does methylphenidate improve academic performance? A meta-analysis and study on the role of daily practice. European Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 28(3), 357–370.
Lu, Y., et al. (2017). Association Between Medication Use and Performance on Higher Education Entrance Exams in ADHD. JAMA Psychiatry, 74(8), 815–822.
Molina, B. S. G., et al. (2009). The MTA at 8 Years: Prospective Follow-Up of Children Treated for Combined-Type ADHD in a Multisite Study. Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 48(5), 484–500.
Pérez, T. V., et al. (2025). Long-term effect of pharmacological treatment on academic outcomes: a target trial emulation. International Journal of Epidemiology, 54(2).
Shaw, M., et al. (2012). A systematic review and analysis of long-term outcomes in ADHD: effects of treatment and non-treatment. BMC Medicine, 10, 99.
A German team of researchers performed a comprehensive search of the medical literature and identified 35randomized controlled trials (RCTs) published in English that explored this question. Participating children were between three and six years old. Children with intellectual disabilities, sensory disabilities, or specific neurological disorders such as epilepsy were excluded.
The total number of participating preschoolers was over three thousand, drawn almost exclusively from the general population, meaning these studies were not specifically evaluating effects on children with ADHD. But given that ADHD results in poorer executive functioning, evidence of the effectiveness of cognitive training would suggest it could help partially reverse such deficits.
RCTs assign participants randomly to a treatment group and a group not receiving treatment but often receiving a placebo. But RCTs themselves vary in risk of bias, depending on:
After evaluating the RCTs by these criteria, the team performed a series of meta-analyses.
Combining the 23 RCTs with over 2,000 children that measured working memory, they found that cognitive training led to robust moderate improvements. Looking only at the eleven most rigorously controlled studies strengthened the effect, with moderate-to-large gains.
Twenty-six RCTs with over 2,200 children assessed inhibitory control. When pooled, they indicated a small-to-moderate improvement from cognitive training. Including only the seven most rigorously controlled studies again strengthened the effect, boosting it into the moderate effect zone.
Twelve RCTs with over 1,500 participants tested the effects of cognitive training on flexibility. When combined, they pointed to moderate gains. Looking at only the four well-controlled studies boosted the effect to strong gains. Yet here there was evidence of publication bias, so no firm conclusion can be drawn.
Only four studies with a combined total of 119 preschoolers tested the effects on ADHD ratings. The meta-analysis found a small but non-significant improvement, very likely due to insufficient sampling. As the authors noted, "some findings of the meta-analysis are limited by the insufficient number of eligible studies. Specifically, more studies are needed which use blinded assessments of subjective ratings of ADHD ... symptoms ..."
The authors concluded that their meta-analyses revealed significant, mostly medium-sized effects of the preschool interventions on core EFs [executive functions] in studies showing the low risk of bias."
Monitoring the Future is a multicohort U.S. national longitudinal study of adolescents followed up into young adulthood.
The U.S. research team used data from this study to follow 5,034 twelfth graders over a period of six years, until they were 23 and 24 years of age.
Prescription stimulant misuse was assessed at baseline and each follow-up survey year by asking how often they used prescription stimulants without a physician’s orders. They were similarly asked about cocaine and methamphetamine use.
The study team adjusted for the following confounding variables: sex, race and ethnicity, parents’ level of education, urbanicity, U.S. region, cohort year, grade point average during high school, past-30-day cigarette use (at 18 years of age), past-2-week binge drinking (at 18), past-year marijuana use (at 18), past-year prescription opioid misuse (at 18), past-year prescription stimulant misuse (at 18), lifetime cocaine use (at 18), lifetime methamphetamine use (at 18), lifetime use of nonstimulant therapy for ADHD (at 18), and discontinued use of stimulant therapy for ADHD (at 18).
With these adjustments, they found that stimulant use for ADHD was in no way associated with subsequent cocaine use. In fact, it was associated with lesser odds of subsequent cocaine use, though the association was not statistically significant.
Likewise, they reported that stimulant use for ADHD was in no way associated with subsequent methamphetamine use.
On the other hand, those who used prescription stimulants without a physician’s orders were 2.6 times more likely to subsequently use either cocaine or methamphetamine.
The team concluded, “In this multicohort study of adolescents exposed to prescription stimulants, adolescents who used stimulant therapy for ADHD did not differ from population controls in initiation of illicit stimulant (cocaine or methamphetamine) use, which suggested a potential protective effect, given evidence of elevated illicit stimulant use among those with ADHD. In contrast, monitoring adolescents for PSM is warranted because this behavior offered a strong signal for transitioning to later cocaine or methamphetamine initiation and use during young adulthood.”
Noting that “little is known about whether school-level stimulant therapy for ADHD is associated with NUPS [nonmedical use of prescription stimulants] among US secondary school students,” a team of American researchers searched for answers in a nationally representative sample of 3,284 U.S. secondary schools with well over 150,000 high school students.
“Previous studies,” the authors continued, “have largely neglected school-level factors associated with NUPS among US secondary school students, including school size, school geographical location, school-level racial composition, school-level rates of substance use (eg, binge drinking), and school-level stimulant therapy for ADHD.”
In surveys, students were asked if they had ever taken stimulant medications for ADHD under a physician’s or health professional’s supervision, with three possible answers: no, yes but only in the past, and yes, currently. Responses for use in the past, and separately for current use, were combined and aggregated to the school level to reflect the percentage of the study body who used prescription stimulants for ADHD.
The surveys explored NUPS by asking, “On how many occasions (if any) have you taken amphetamines or other prescription stimulant drugs on your own—that is, without a doctor telling you to take them... in your lifetime?...during the last 12 months?...during the last 30 days?”
The study team controlled for sex, race and ethnicity, parental education, GPA, binge drinking, cigarette smoking, cannabis use, cohort year, school type, grade level, urbanicity, school size, US Census region, % of student body with low grades, % female, % with at least one parent with a college degree, % White, % binge drinking during past 2 weeks, % cigarette smoking in past 30 days, and % cannabis use during the past 30 days. The analysis also included individual-level medical use of stimulant therapy for ADHD history to estimate individual-level past-year NUPS. Finally, it included both individual-level and school-level risk factors to assess individual-level past-year NUPS.
With all these adjustments, at the individual level, both high school students presently on prescribed stimulant therapy for ADHD and those who had previously been on such prescribed therapy were more than twice as likely to engage in past-year NUPS as those who were never on prescribed stimulant medication.
Turning to the school level, in schools where 12% or more of students were on prescribed stimulant therapy for ADHD, students in general were 36% more likely to engage in past-year NUPS than in schools where none of the students were on prescribed stimulant therapy for ADHD.
This is not surprising, as it confirms that students who use prescription drugs for nonmedical often get their supply from fellow students who are prescribed those drugs.
While at the individual level, binge drinking, cigarette smoking, and cannabis use were strong predictors of NUPS, at the whole-school level they had no significant effect. A poor grade point average mildly increased risk in the individual, but high percentages of students with low grades had no effect on peer NUPS. Race and ethnicity made a difference at the individual level (NUPS significantly more likely among White students than Blacks and Hispanics), but made no difference at the school level.
The team concluded, “These findings suggest that school-level stimulant therapy for ADHD and other school-level risk factors were significantly associated with NUPS and should be accounted for in risk-reduction strategies and prevention efforts.”
The Background:
Dementia is a rapidly growing public health problem affecting more than 50 million people worldwide. Nearly 10 million new cases are diagnosed each year, and that number is expected to almost triple by 2050. The most common form is Alzheimer’s disease, accounting for roughly 60–70% of cases, followed by vascular dementia at around 20%. Other types include dementia with Lewy bodies, Parkinson’s disease dementia, and frontotemporal dementia. While no cure exists, managing modifiable risk factors (such as high blood pressure, smoking, physical inactivity, and poorly controlled diabetes) can delay or slow both the onset and progression of the condition.
Several studies have reported an elevated dementia risk among people with ADHD, and a number of mechanisms may explain this association. These include shared genetic or neurobiological vulnerabilities, reduced cognitive reserve (leaving the brain less resilient to age-related damage), and greater lifetime exposure to other established dementia risk factors.
Earlier reviews explored the possible link between ADHD and dementia, but tended toward a broader scope (incorporating other neurodegenerative disorders or mixing study designs), which introduced substantial variability and precluded quantitative synthesis. The relevant research literature has also expanded considerably since those reviews appeared.
The Study:
This meta-analysis restricted inclusion to case-control and cohort studies, yielding five that met the criteria. One was a case-control study with 400 participants; the other four were cohort studies collectively covering 3.7 million individuals, two retrospective and two prospective.
The Results:
Pooling the four cohort studies, individuals with ADHD showed approximately two-and-a-half times the dementia risk of those without the diagnosis. There was no indication of publication bias.
The Take-Away:
The authors concluded that ADHD is associated with a significantly increased risk of all-cause dementia in later life, while noting that its relationship to specific dementia subtypes remains less clear and warrants attention in future research.
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The Background:
Women with polycystic ovary syndrome (PCOS) themselves show higher rates of ADHD. Because ADHD is partly heritable (meaning genes contribute to the condition), some of the increased ADHD seen in children of mothers with PCOS could come from shared genetic factors. In other words, a mother’s and her child’s increased risk might sometimes reflect common genes rather than an effect of the pregnancy itself.
Beyond genetics, growing evidence points to maternal metabolic problems during pregnancy as another important risk factor for neurodevelopmental outcomes. PCOS is one of these conditions and is considered both potentially modifiable (treatable or manageable) and biologically plausible as a contributor to risk. PCOS affects an estimated 5–10% of women of reproductive age worldwide and is characterized by signs such as hyperandrogenism (higher-than-normal levels of “male” hormones), insulin resistance (poorer ability to use the hormone insulin, which can affect blood sugar and metabolism), and chronic low-grade inflammation.
However, studies to date have not all reached the same conclusions. Some research suggests the association between maternal PCOS and offspring ADHD is stronger for girls, while other studies did not analyze results by child sex. Methodological differences make it harder to draw clear conclusions.
The Study:
It’s important to note that the studies included in this meta-analysis were observational (cohort studies and case-control studies). Observational studies can identify associations (that two things occur together) but cannot prove that one causes the other. A cohort study follows people over time, and a case-control study compares people with a condition to similar people without it.
The pooled results came from six studies that together included almost 1.4 million mother–child pairs and that adjusted for confounders (other factors that might influence the result, such as maternal age or socioeconomic status). After statistical adjustment, children of mothers with PCOS had about 40% greater odds of ADHD than children of mothers without PCOS. The analysis reported no evidence of publication bias (no clear sign that only positive studies were published) and zero heterogeneity (the results were consistent across the studies).
There was no meaningful difference in results between cohort and case-control studies, and the meta-analysis did not find a significant difference in the association when comparing male and female offspring.
The Take-Away:
The research team concluded that this large-scale synthesis found an association between maternal PCOS and higher odds of ADHD and other neuropsychiatric conditions in children. They suggested that children born to mothers with PCOS may benefit from developmental monitoring to identify and address problems early, while emphasizing that causal relationships have not been established. They called for further studies to confirm these findings and to investigate the biological and environmental mechanisms that might explain the association. Indeed, because women with PCOS show higher rates of ADHD than other women, we need genetically informed research designs to see if the reported association is confounded.
The Background:
Food insecurity is a widespread public‑health problem. Food insecurity refers to limited or uncertain access to enough safe, nutritious food. This term is used to describe households that sometimes or often can’t afford enough food or can only buy cheaper, less‑healthy options.
In the United States, almost eleven million children and teens (14%) lived in food‑insecure households in 2019. By 2023, the share of households with food‑insecure children and adolescents was estimated to have risen to about 18%.
Food insecurity is linked to worse physical health in children, including conditions like anemia (low red‑blood‑cell count), asthma, and delays in physical or mental development. It is also associated with problems in thinking and conduct (for example, aggressive behavior, anxiety, depression, and trouble concentrating or sitting still).
Those thinking and behavior problems can look a lot like ADHD (persistent patterns of inattention, hyperactivity, and impulsivity. This can make it hard for clinicians to tell whether symptoms come from ADHD itself, from the stress of poverty and food insecurity, or a mix of both. That overlap can complicate diagnosis and sometimes lead to misdiagnosis.
Smaller recent studies have looked at mental‑health links and found higher odds of ADHD and other mental‑health conditions among food‑insecure children aged 5–11 years. In one set of findings, moderate food insecurity was associated with 50% greater odds of an ADHD diagnosis and severe food insecurity with about 67% greater odds relative to food‑secure children.
The Study:
Because many past studies looked at single risk factors or only measured symptom severity, fewer investigations have focused specifically on household food insecurity as it relates to actual ADHD diagnoses and how that might matter for care. To address that gap, researchers used multiple years (2016–2022) of data from the U.S. National Survey of Children’s Health (NSCH). This survey is designed to be nationally representative and asks parents about their child’s health, including whether a doctor or other clinician has diagnosed ADHD.
The study included 232,571 children and adolescents (ages 3–17) and used statistical methods to adjust for other factors that could affect ADHD risk. Those factors included the child’s sex and race/ethnicity; the mother’s age; family income expressed as a percentage of the federal poverty level (a government measure used to classify income groups); the highest level of parent education; adverse childhood experiences (such as exposure to abuse, household substance use, or parental separation); birthweight (for example, low birthweight); and not getting enough sleep. Adjusting for these variables helps isolate the association between food insecurity and ADHD, though it cannot prove cause and effect.
The Results:
In this large, nationally representative sample, the researchers found a clear dose–response relationship: as the level of household food insecurity increased, so did the odds of a child having a clinician‑diagnosed ADHD (as reported by parents). In other words, greater food insecurity was linked to a higher likelihood of ADHD.
Compared with children in households that “could always afford to eat good, nutritious meals” (the reference group), the study found the following increases in odds of ADHD: children in households that “could always afford enough to eat but not always the kinds of food we should eat” had about 30% greater odds; children in households that sometimes “could not afford enough to eat” had about 55% greater odds; and children in households that often “could not afford enough to eat” had about 80% greater odds. (Saying “30% greater odds,” etc., means the odds were 1.30, 1.55, and 1.80 times those of the reference group, respectively — this describes a relative increase, not the absolute percentage of children with ADHD.)
The Take-Away:
The authors conclude that household food insecurity was associated with higher odds of parent‑reported clinician‑diagnosed ADHD in a dose‑response pattern. They suggest that reducing food insecurity (for example, ,by improving access to nutritious food and combining nutritional supports with mental‑health care) may help lower ADHD risk or reduce symptoms in some children. Reducing food insecurity should be a priority for society, but it is premature to conclude it will reduce the risk for ADHD. We know that parents with ADHD are more likely to lose their jobs and have lower incomes compared to parents with ADHD. That might create food insecurity for their children who we know are at high risk for ADHD from genetic studies.
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