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July 14, 2026
Language is powerful. The words we choose not only reflect our understanding of the world but also actively shape it. Recently, this truth has been at the center of a growing debate in the mental health field regarding how we talk about ADHD.
In a recent paper published in The Lancet Psychiatry titled “The Power of Words: Respectful Language in ADHD Research,” French and colleagues advocated for a shift toward "neurodiversity-affirmative language”. Rooted in the social model of disability, their proposal encourages researchers to abandon traditional medical terminology, e.g., words like disorder and deficit, in favor of more neutral terms such as condition and challenge.
My colleague, Dr. Michael Miller, and I read this with great interest. We completely agree that revising language is essential to good science and that, both as researchers and as human beings, we are ethically bound to speak respectfully. However, we felt compelled to write a response. In our new paper, we argue that while language must evolve, it must do so scientifically.
The Two Prerequisites for Language Change
If we are going to fundamentally shift our scientific lexicon, two requirements must be met:
Currently, the proposal by French and colleagues meets neither requirement. While they claim consensus is accumulating that certain terms are disrespectful, they provide zero empirical evidence that this view is shared by the community of individuals living with ADHD. Even proponents of patient-centered language admit there is surprisingly little data supporting specific language changes.
More alarmingly, the recommended changes severely dilute the scientific accuracy of our field. Let’s look at two examples.
Why a "Deficit" is Not Just a “Challenge"
French and colleagues suggest replacing the term deficit with challenge. On the surface, challenge sounds softer and more affirming. But scientifically, these words are not interchangeable.
For decades, the term deficit has been defined by a specific performance metric that falls substantially below an expected level. It is a measurable reality. A challenge, on the other hand, refers to a new or difficult task that tests someone's ability.
Every single human being is "challenged" by complex neuropsychological tests, but only some individuals who face that challenge demonstrate scientifically significant deficits. If we relabel measurable deficits as universal challenges, we sacrifice the exactness required to communicate scientific findings and accurately measure the effects of life-changing treatments.
ADHD is a Disorder, Not Just a "Condition"
Another proposal is to replace the word disorder with condition.
In mainstream psychiatry, a disorder is a clinically significant disturbance that causes distress or disability. The word purposefully separates natural human variation from the suffering (pathos) that gives pathology its meaning.
Condition is a completely neutral term. Pregnancy is a condition. Being tall is a condition. Calling ADHD a condition distances the diagnosis from the profound suffering it can cause.
French et al. argue against framing ADHD as a disorder because it exists on a spectrum without a clear cutoff, its manifestation is context-dependent, and its definition evolves. But if we apply that logic across all of medicine, the concept of disease unravels:
The Real-World Danger of Imprecise Language
This is not merely an academic debate over semantics. The language we use has real-world implications. In the United States and across the globe, our healthcare, educational, and legal systems run on precise medical language. Terms like impairment, dysfunction, and disorder are legally and administratively required to justify support services, workplace accommodations, specialized educational therapies, and medications. The language of pathology in diagnostic manuals regulates the flow of these resources.
If we reclassify ADHD as a neutral condition characterized only by challenges, we risk erecting massive bureaucratic barriers. Imprecise language could easily be used by institutions or insurance companies to deny vital care to the people who need it most.
The Need for Lexical Discipline
Attempting to characterize a clinical disorder entirely through its strengths happens in a scientific vacuum. We cannot ignore the vast body of rigorous evidence confirming that ADHD meets the long-standing criteria used by mental health science to identify clinical disorders.
As professionals, our respect for the ADHD community demands a commitment to language that is clear, correct, and evidence-based. To build genuine consensus about how we talk about ADHD, we need meaningful, collaborative dialogue that integrates compelling empirical data and rigorous theory.
This standard of "lexical discipline" is not just a technical preference. It is a vital mechanism through which science and the mental health professions uphold their duty to society.
Faraone S, Miller M Precision language in ADHD research; The Lancet Psychiatry, 2026
https://doi.org/10.1016/S2215-0366(26)00117-3
French, B ∙ Dekkers, TJ ∙ Barclay, I ∙ et al. The power of words: respectful language in ADHD research. Lancet Psychiatry. 2025; 12:876-879
Parents and teachers often ask: Does ADHD medication actually improve grades and school performance? The answer is: yes, but with important limitations. Medications are very effective at reducing inattention, hyperactivity, and impulsivity but their impact on long-term academic outcomes like grades and test scores is not as consistent.
In the Classroom
The medications for ADHD consistently: Improve attention, reduce classroom disruptions, increase time spent on-task and help children complete more schoolwork and homework. Medication can help children with ADHD access learning by improving the conditions for paying attention and persisting with work.
Does Medication Improve Test Scores and Grades?
This is where the picture gets more complicated. Medications have stronger effect on how much work is completed but a weaker effect on accuracy. Many studies show that children on medication attempt more problems in reading, math, and spelling, but the number of correct answers doesn’t always improve as much. Some studies find small but significant improvements in national exam scores and higher education entrance tests during periods when children with ADHD are medicated.
Grades improve, as well, but modestly. Large registry studies in Sweden show that students who consistently take medication earn higher grades than those who don’t. However, these gains usually do not close the achievement gap with peers who do not have ADHD.
Keep in mind that small improvements for a group as a whole mean that some children are benefiting greatly from medication and others not at all. We have no way of predicting which children will improve and which do not.
Medication Alone Isn’t Enough
Academic success depends on more than just reducing inattention, hyperactivity and impulsivity. Skills like organization, planning, studying, and managing long-term projects are also critical. Medication cannot teach these skills.
So, in addition to medication, the patient's treatment program should include educational support (tutoring, structured study skills programs), behavioral interventions (parent training, classroom management strategies), and accommodations at school (extra time, reduced distractions, organizational aids) Parents should discuss with their prescriber which of these methods would be appropriate.
Conclusions
ADHD medication is a powerful tool for reducing symptoms and supporting learning. It improves test scores and grades for some children, especially when taken consistently. But it is not a magic bullet for academic success. The best results come when medication is combined with educational and behavioral supports that help children build the skills they need to thrive in school and beyond.
A cohort study looked at over five million adults, and over 850,000 children between the ages of five and eleven, who received care at Kaiser Permanente Northern California during the ten-year period from the beginning of 2007 through the end of 2016. At any given time, KPNC serves roughly four million persons. It is representative of the population of the region, except for the highest and lowest income strata.
Among adults rates of ADHD diagnosis rose from 0.43% to 0.96%. Among children the diagnosis rates rose from 2.96% to 3.74%, ending up almost four times as high as for adults.
Non-Hispanic whites had the highest adult rates throughout, increasing from 0.67% in 2007 to 1.42% in 2016. American Indian or Alaska Native (AIAN) had the second highest rates, rising from 0.56% to 1.14%. Blacks and Hispanics had roughly comparable rates of diagnosis, the former rising from 0.22% to 0.69%, the latter from 0.25% to 0.65%. The lowest rates were among Asians (rising from 0.11% to 0.35%) and Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islanders (increasing from 0.11% to 0.39%).
Odds of diagnosis dropped steeply with age among adults. Relative to 18-24-year-olds, 25-34-year-olds were 1/6th less likely to be diagnosed with ADHD, 35-44-year-olds 1/3rd less likely, 45-54-year-olds less than half as likely, 55-64-year-olds less than a quarter as likely, and those over 65 about a twentieth as likely. This is consistent with other studies reporting and age dependent decline in the diagnosis.
Adults with the highest levels of education were twice as likely to be diagnosed as those with the lowest levels. But variations in median household income had almost no effect. Women were marginally less likely to be diagnosed than men.
ADHD is associated with some other psychiatric disorders. Compared with normally developing adults, and adjusted for confounders, those with ADHD were five times as likely to have an eating disorder, over four times as likely to be diagnosed with bipolar disorder or depression, more than twice as likely to suffer from anxiety, but only slightly more likely to abuse drugs or alcohol.
The authors speculate that rising rates of diagnosis could reflect increasing recognition of ADHD in adults by physicians and other clinicians as well as growing public awareness of ADHD during the decade under study. Turning to the strong differences among ethnicities, they note, Racial/ethnic differences could also reflect differential rates of treatment seeking or access to care. Racial/ethnic background is known to play an important role in opinions on mental health services, health care utilization, and physician preferences. In addition, rates of diagnosis- seeking to obtain stimulant medication for nonmedical use may be more common among white vs nonwhite patients. They conclude, greater consideration must be placed on cultural influences on health care seeking and delivery, along with an increased understanding of the various social, psychological, and biological differences among races/ethnicities as well as culturally sensitive approaches to identify and treat ADHD in the total population.
But the main take home message of this work is that most cases of ADHD in adults are not being diagnosed by clinicians. We know from population studies, worldwide, that about three percent of adults suffer from the disorder. This study found that less than 1 percent are diagnosed by their doctors. Clearly, more education is needed to teach clinicians how to identify, diagnose and treat ADHD in adults.
The diagnosis of ADHD should only be done by a licensed clinician, and that clinician should have one goal in mind: to plan a safe and effective course of evidence-based treatment. The infographic gives a summary of this diagnostic approach which my colleagues and I prepared for our "Primer" about ADHD,http://rdcu.be/gYyV. A key point that parents of ADHD youth and adults with ADHD should keep in mind is that there is only one way to diagnose ADHD.An expert clinician must document the criteria for the disorder as specified by either the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of the American Psychiatric Association, which is now in its fifth edition (DSM-5), or the World Health Organization's International Classification of Diseases (ICD-10). The two sets of criteria are nearly identical. These criteria are most commonly applied by a clinician asking questions of the parent (for children) and/or patient (for adolescents and adults).For children, information from the teacher can be useful. Some clinicians get this information by having the parent ask the teacher to fill out a rating scale. This information can be very useful if it is available. When diagnosing adults, it is also useful to collect information from a significant other, which can be a parent for young adults or a spouse for older adults. But when such informants are not available, diagnosing ADHD based on the patient's self-report is valid. As the infographic indicates, any diagnosis of ADHD should also assess for comorbid psychiatric disorders, as these have implications for which ADHD medications will be safe and effective. And because a prior history of cardiovascular disease or seizures frequently contraindicate stimulants. These must also be assessed.
The Background:
Dementia is a rapidly growing public health problem affecting more than 50 million people worldwide. Nearly 10 million new cases are diagnosed each year, and that number is expected to almost triple by 2050. The most common form is Alzheimer’s disease, accounting for roughly 60–70% of cases, followed by vascular dementia at around 20%. Other types include dementia with Lewy bodies, Parkinson’s disease dementia, and frontotemporal dementia. While no cure exists, managing modifiable risk factors (such as high blood pressure, smoking, physical inactivity, and poorly controlled diabetes) can delay or slow both the onset and progression of the condition.
Several studies have reported an elevated dementia risk among people with ADHD, and a number of mechanisms may explain this association. These include shared genetic or neurobiological vulnerabilities, reduced cognitive reserve (leaving the brain less resilient to age-related damage), and greater lifetime exposure to other established dementia risk factors.
Earlier reviews explored the possible link between ADHD and dementia, but tended toward a broader scope (incorporating other neurodegenerative disorders or mixing study designs), which introduced substantial variability and precluded quantitative synthesis. The relevant research literature has also expanded considerably since those reviews appeared.
The Study:
This meta-analysis restricted inclusion to case-control and cohort studies, yielding five that met the criteria. One was a case-control study with 400 participants; the other four were cohort studies collectively covering 3.7 million individuals, two retrospective and two prospective.
The Results:
Pooling the four cohort studies, individuals with ADHD showed approximately two-and-a-half times the dementia risk of those without the diagnosis. There was no indication of publication bias.
The Take-Away:
The authors concluded that ADHD is associated with a significantly increased risk of all-cause dementia in later life, while noting that its relationship to specific dementia subtypes remains less clear and warrants attention in future research.
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The Background:
Women with polycystic ovary syndrome (PCOS) themselves show higher rates of ADHD. Because ADHD is partly heritable (meaning genes contribute to the condition), some of the increased ADHD seen in children of mothers with PCOS could come from shared genetic factors. In other words, a mother’s and her child’s increased risk might sometimes reflect common genes rather than an effect of the pregnancy itself.
Beyond genetics, growing evidence points to maternal metabolic problems during pregnancy as another important risk factor for neurodevelopmental outcomes. PCOS is one of these conditions and is considered both potentially modifiable (treatable or manageable) and biologically plausible as a contributor to risk. PCOS affects an estimated 5–10% of women of reproductive age worldwide and is characterized by signs such as hyperandrogenism (higher-than-normal levels of “male” hormones), insulin resistance (poorer ability to use the hormone insulin, which can affect blood sugar and metabolism), and chronic low-grade inflammation.
However, studies to date have not all reached the same conclusions. Some research suggests the association between maternal PCOS and offspring ADHD is stronger for girls, while other studies did not analyze results by child sex. Methodological differences make it harder to draw clear conclusions.
The Study:
It’s important to note that the studies included in this meta-analysis were observational (cohort studies and case-control studies). Observational studies can identify associations (that two things occur together) but cannot prove that one causes the other. A cohort study follows people over time, and a case-control study compares people with a condition to similar people without it.
The pooled results came from six studies that together included almost 1.4 million mother–child pairs and that adjusted for confounders (other factors that might influence the result, such as maternal age or socioeconomic status). After statistical adjustment, children of mothers with PCOS had about 40% greater odds of ADHD than children of mothers without PCOS. The analysis reported no evidence of publication bias (no clear sign that only positive studies were published) and zero heterogeneity (the results were consistent across the studies).
There was no meaningful difference in results between cohort and case-control studies, and the meta-analysis did not find a significant difference in the association when comparing male and female offspring.
The Take-Away:
The research team concluded that this large-scale synthesis found an association between maternal PCOS and higher odds of ADHD and other neuropsychiatric conditions in children. They suggested that children born to mothers with PCOS may benefit from developmental monitoring to identify and address problems early, while emphasizing that causal relationships have not been established. They called for further studies to confirm these findings and to investigate the biological and environmental mechanisms that might explain the association. Indeed, because women with PCOS show higher rates of ADHD than other women, we need genetically informed research designs to see if the reported association is confounded.
The Background:
Food insecurity is a widespread public‑health problem. Food insecurity refers to limited or uncertain access to enough safe, nutritious food. This term is used to describe households that sometimes or often can’t afford enough food or can only buy cheaper, less‑healthy options.
In the United States, almost eleven million children and teens (14%) lived in food‑insecure households in 2019. By 2023, the share of households with food‑insecure children and adolescents was estimated to have risen to about 18%.
Food insecurity is linked to worse physical health in children, including conditions like anemia (low red‑blood‑cell count), asthma, and delays in physical or mental development. It is also associated with problems in thinking and conduct (for example, aggressive behavior, anxiety, depression, and trouble concentrating or sitting still).
Those thinking and behavior problems can look a lot like ADHD (persistent patterns of inattention, hyperactivity, and impulsivity. This can make it hard for clinicians to tell whether symptoms come from ADHD itself, from the stress of poverty and food insecurity, or a mix of both. That overlap can complicate diagnosis and sometimes lead to misdiagnosis.
Smaller recent studies have looked at mental‑health links and found higher odds of ADHD and other mental‑health conditions among food‑insecure children aged 5–11 years. In one set of findings, moderate food insecurity was associated with 50% greater odds of an ADHD diagnosis and severe food insecurity with about 67% greater odds relative to food‑secure children.
The Study:
Because many past studies looked at single risk factors or only measured symptom severity, fewer investigations have focused specifically on household food insecurity as it relates to actual ADHD diagnoses and how that might matter for care. To address that gap, researchers used multiple years (2016–2022) of data from the U.S. National Survey of Children’s Health (NSCH). This survey is designed to be nationally representative and asks parents about their child’s health, including whether a doctor or other clinician has diagnosed ADHD.
The study included 232,571 children and adolescents (ages 3–17) and used statistical methods to adjust for other factors that could affect ADHD risk. Those factors included the child’s sex and race/ethnicity; the mother’s age; family income expressed as a percentage of the federal poverty level (a government measure used to classify income groups); the highest level of parent education; adverse childhood experiences (such as exposure to abuse, household substance use, or parental separation); birthweight (for example, low birthweight); and not getting enough sleep. Adjusting for these variables helps isolate the association between food insecurity and ADHD, though it cannot prove cause and effect.
The Results:
In this large, nationally representative sample, the researchers found a clear dose–response relationship: as the level of household food insecurity increased, so did the odds of a child having a clinician‑diagnosed ADHD (as reported by parents). In other words, greater food insecurity was linked to a higher likelihood of ADHD.
Compared with children in households that “could always afford to eat good, nutritious meals” (the reference group), the study found the following increases in odds of ADHD: children in households that “could always afford enough to eat but not always the kinds of food we should eat” had about 30% greater odds; children in households that sometimes “could not afford enough to eat” had about 55% greater odds; and children in households that often “could not afford enough to eat” had about 80% greater odds. (Saying “30% greater odds,” etc., means the odds were 1.30, 1.55, and 1.80 times those of the reference group, respectively — this describes a relative increase, not the absolute percentage of children with ADHD.)
The Take-Away:
The authors conclude that household food insecurity was associated with higher odds of parent‑reported clinician‑diagnosed ADHD in a dose‑response pattern. They suggest that reducing food insecurity (for example, ,by improving access to nutritious food and combining nutritional supports with mental‑health care) may help lower ADHD risk or reduce symptoms in some children. Reducing food insecurity should be a priority for society, but it is premature to conclude it will reduce the risk for ADHD. We know that parents with ADHD are more likely to lose their jobs and have lower incomes compared to parents with ADHD. That might create food insecurity for their children who we know are at high risk for ADHD from genetic studies.
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